How Nairobi became entangled in Sudan's bloody proxy war

Kenya’s reputation as a regional peace broker is under intense scrutiny following a series of UN reports, Sudanese government statements, eyewitness accounts, and expert analyses implicating the country in Sudan’s ongoing conflict.

A confidential UN report presented to the Security Council on January 15, 2024, and a separate report released in March by the Sudanese government, paint a troubling picture: Kenyan airspace and airports are being used as stopovers for cargo flights originating in Abu Dhabi, destined for Rapid Support Forces (RSF) supply hubs in eastern Chad.

Particularly troubling is, according to media organisations with access to war-zone intelligence, that a cargo aircraft bombed in Sudan with a Kenyan pilot on board was carrying suicide drones, ammunition, and radar systems—allegedly supplied by the UAE for delivery to the RSF.

The UN findings are corroborated by a Sudanese intelligence memo titled UAE’s Proxy War in Sudan: Exploiting Natural Resources and Committing Genocide, which accuses President William Ruto’s government of facilitating the transfers—intentionally or otherwise.

“After major defeats, the RSF is planning, under the supervision of the UAE and with help from Kenya’s President, to announce a parallel government in Darfur to gain access to weapons restricted to legitimate state entities,” the Sudanese report alleges.

Though Nairobi denies direct involvement, mounting evidence suggests Kenya has become an inadvertent—or complicit—logistics hub in a proxy war waged by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through the RSF, a militia accused of genocide, rape, and war crimes.

In response, Sudan-which describes Kenya as rogue- has banned Kenyan exports, citing national security concerns.

The suspension affects key goods such as tea, food, and medicine. Sudan is a major market for Kenyan tea, and traders now warn of heavy losses, with shipments stuck at sea and at the Port of Mombasa.

“These clear positions affirm that the irresponsible approach of the Kenyan presidency, by embracing the genocide militia and seeking to legitimize its unprecedented crimes, is isolated both internationally and domestically, placing Kenya in the category of a rogue state defying international norms,” the statement read in part

The United States, United Nations, civil society groups, and development partners believe weapons disguised as humanitarian cargo are being used to execute attacks, torture, rape, killings, displacement, and looting—after multiple genocides linked to the RSF. The US has sanctioned RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, alias Hemedti, who has been hosted by Kenya in the past, accusing him of orchestrating atrocities including ethnic-based sexual violence during Sudan’s 20-month conflict.

"Based on this information, I have now concluded that members of the RSF and allied militias have committed genocide in Sudan," US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said.

While some flights are officially labeled as humanitarian missions, and a good number have sophisticated technology not to be traced,  intelligence gathered by the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan suggests many actually carry weapons used by military. 

“Between July 15 and September 2023, 40 flights linked to Sudan passed through Kenya,” the UN report notes, citing flight tracker data. The findings position Kenya as a vital corridor in Sudan’s deepening crisis.

The issue gained global attention on May 3, when Turkish-operated drones supporting the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) bombed a military cargo plane at Nyala Airport in South Darfur. The plane, piloted by a Kenyan identified as Capt. George Nyamodi, was believed to be transporting military equipment from the UAE.

“Since June, various flight-tracking experts have observed a heavy rotation of cargo planes from Abu Dhabi International Airport to Am Djarass airport in eastern Chad, with stopovers in regional countries such as Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda,” the UN report states. “Several media reports claimed that the aircraft were transporting weapons, ammunition, and medical equipment for RSF.”

The airstrike reportedly killed 70 RSF fighters and 18 foreign nationals, including South Sudanese and Kenyan pilot. The Boeing 727—under RSF control—was struck by the Sudanese Armed Forces at Nyala Airport, a key RSF logistics hub.

The bombed aircraft had a murky past. Formerly registered in Kenya as 5Y-CIG, it was later deregistered by the Kenya Civil Aviation Authority (KCAA). Pilots say its last known operator was South Sudan’s air force.

“Once deregistered, it is no longer under our jurisdiction,” a KCAA official told The Standard. “We cannot confirm its current operations.”

Residents near Nyala—an RSF stronghold—reported hearing at least three explosions after the suspected weapons plane landed. Witnesses said the aircraft landed and took off twice but was bombed before a third takeoff attempt. Bodies and injured fighters were later seen being transported to Nyala Teaching Hospital. SAF claimed the plane was supplying weapons to RSF forces.

“The cockpit plate showed Kenyan registration 5Y-CIG, despite a Tajik ID on the fuselage,” Rwanda’s Ministry of Infrastructure said in a report about a 2020 runway incident involving the same aircraft at Kigali International Airport.

Sudanese and Middle Eastern media reported that Emirati casualties from the strike were quietly treated at a Turkish hospital, sparking a rare diplomatic rift between Turkey and the UAE—two powers that had previously avoided direct conflict.

“The conflict in Sudan is not a civil war between different communities, nor is it merely a power struggle between rival armed factions,” the Sudanese report explains. “Rather, it is a proxy war waged by the UAE through the RSF to control and exploit Sudan’s natural resources and strategic location.”

Reports also allege that the cargo originated in Abu Dhabi and that the aircraft’s route included Kenya.

“Those suspicions were confirmed by external monitors, including Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab, which said that Chinese-made drones ‘consistent with FH-95s’ bought by the UAE had been flown into Nyala,” Middle East Eye reported.

The Standard confirmed that the Kenyan aircraft, using a fake registration number and advanced concealment technology, operates in the region, with special interest in war torn areas.

“It’s illegal under Kenyan law for citizens to act as mercenaries or support foreign wars,” said a Nairobi-based Western diplomat. “If Kenya allows private citizens or cargo flights to support a foreign conflict, it is complicit and violates the UN arms embargo on Sudan.”

Regional security sources say RSF-linked mercenaries are routinely flown through Bosaso, a port city in Somalia’s Puntland region. Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Chad are identified as key refueling and staging points. According to the January 2024 UN Panel report, Am Djarass in eastern Chad is RSF’s primary supply hub, served by aircraft from the Gulf via East Africa.

“The UAE strongly rejects the suggestion that it is supplying weapons to any party involved in the Sudan conflict,” UAE foreign ministry spokesperson Salem Aljaberi said in a statement on X.

Despite such denials, the UN panel noted it could not conclusively confirm arms transfers through Kenya—though it flagged the possibility. Kenya’s Foreign Ministry has dismissed accusations of direct involvement, insisting that any role was “logistical and unintentional.”

“We only encourage peaceful conversations for peaceful resolutions. That is the extent of Kenya’s engagement with the Sudan conflict,” said Foreign Affairs Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi.

Former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua, however, accused President Ruto of engaging in secret dealings with Hemedti. Speaking to KTN, Gachagua alleged that Sudanese gold was being smuggled through Kenya to Dubai, claiming the President prioritized personal interests over national ones.

“What’s happening is that the President has put his personal and commercial interests ahead of the country’s. That’s the problem,” Gachagua said.

“They are doing business with the RSF chief, involving gold that is obtained from that area, brought to Nairobi, and then taken to Dubai. Yes, I can substantiate that,” he added.

On February 5, 2025, a controversial meeting at the Kenyatta International Convention Centre in Nairobi further escalated tensions. Attended by RSF leader Hemedti and allied groups, the gathering resulted in the signing of a charter establishing a rival “Government of Peace and Unity” in Sudan.

Sudan’s transitional government and military rejected the Nairobi meeting, accusing Kenya of undermining its sovereignty and supporting a militia responsible for atrocities—including the rape of minors, ethnic massacres, and the destruction of infrastructure.

“This was a hostile act,” a Sudanese government spokesperson said. “Kenya hosted the leader of a genocidal force while peace negotiations were still ongoing in Jeddah.”

Foreign Affairs PS Korir Sing’oei and CS Mudavadi defended Kenya’s role, stating that Nairobi merely provided a neutral venue for dialogue.

However, civil society leaders and international observers have questioned Ruto’s impartiality, citing his prior engagements with Hemedti and the timing of the meeting—just days after the UN released its damning report.

In a recent report, Amnesty International described Sudan as one of the world’s worst conflicts, now entering its third year with no end in sight.

Amnesty said Kenya’s delegation at the Sudan Conference in London struggled to rebut allegations of its growing economic and political alignment with the RSF.

“Sudan is a major casualty of world leaders’ inability to look beyond Ukraine and Palestine. Consistently ignored, the international community has enabled the world’s biggest humanitarian disaster. Some 150,000 people—more than twice the number killed in Ukraine (67,000) and nearly three times more than in Gaza (52,000)—have died. Over 11 million people, a third of the combined populations of Ukraine (38 million) and Gaza (2 million), are on the run. Despite this, only 6 per cent of the US$4.2 million in humanitarian assistance needed has been provided,” Amnesty said.

The European Union expressed concern, warning the event could “further fracture Sudanese political consensus.” Sudanese diplomats described it as a blow to the African Union-led peace initiative and to IGAD’s Quartet mediation process, chaired by none other than President Ruto.

The Sudan conflict, now more than a year old, is no longer just a fight between two military camps. The RSF, originally a paramilitary offshoot of Sudan’s national army, has morphed into a heavily armed force backed by the UAE, which seeks influence over Sudan’s gold reserves and Red Sea access.

According to the UN panel and Sudanese officials, the RSF receives advanced weaponry, salaries, and logistical aid via clandestine networks funded by Dubai and coordinated through regional allies or complicit states.

The UAE denies these allegations, claiming its cargo flights are humanitarian in nature, intended to support refugee relief efforts. But the UN notes inconsistencies in the humanitarian narrative—particularly regarding aircraft payloads, flight paths, and the presence of foreign mercenaries from as far as Colombia and Eastern Europe.

An internal EU memo cited by The New York Times estimated that up to 200,000 foreign mercenaries had joined RSF ranks by early 2024.

“All these atrocities were enabled by the UAE’s uninterrupted supply chain—arms, munitions, equipment, financial and logistical support, and a mercenary army,” the Sudanese report says.

In May this year, Prime Cabinet Secretary Musalia Mudavadi denied claims that Kenya is doing business with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), including allegations of  aiding gold exports to the UAE.

“We are not in the business of smuggling arms, nor are we in the business of smuggling gold. How can the government be involved in smuggling? If there was such a thing, wouldn't it appear in the records of our exports?” he posed.

Kenya’s official role in the Sudan crisis is that of a regional mediator. It chairs IGAD’s Quartet Group on Sudan, has attended multiple peace summits, and remains a hub for humanitarian operations. The UN report (S/2024/65) acknowledges these efforts and notes that most Sudanese refugees are housed in Chad and South Sudan, not Kenya.

However, the optics have changed. Hosting Hemedti, failing to inspect suspicious cargo, and allowing Kenyan airfields to be used by unmarked planes have cast a long shadow on Kenya’s neutrality. The SAF has rejected Ruto’s leadership in the Quartet, demanding a new chair.

“The perception that Kenya is siding with the RSF threatens its credibility as a mediator,” said a senior diplomat involved in the Jeddah process. “This isn’t just about Sudan—it’s about East Africa’s stability.”